How Sad: the UKIP making scraping capital from the shoe of insanity.

Sacked for serving pork to a Muslim”

UKIP Activist Upload – Nigel (NF) Farage with Alison Waldock The ITV doesn’t include a view from the other side – i.e. the school. 


Aren’t you jumping on a political bandwagon, NIGEL FARAGE?

Aren’t you, ITV?

From NF


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The Curious Case of Alison Waldock

She became a rallying cry for anti-immigrant voices,after claiming she was fired for serving pork in error to a Muslim student at a high school in England. It turns out she may not be a victim after all. The school headmaster alleges she was disciplined for other breaches of conduct. 

Apparently the Daily Mail didn’t known anything about an opposing POV before printing this. But Alison told the DM

Alison Waldock, 51,  THAT SHE apologised for mistake as soon as error was spotted

Brain-washing, mind numbing, man-made religions should all be thrown in the bin were they belong. I have intelligence so I am an atheist! — 9751

Her case even started an online petition. Second most popular comment


  • “islam is a cancer spreading through western civilization”


    Here is the story from a Cambridge [England] newspaper.


‘It wasn’t a one-off’ says headteacher after dinner lady is sacked for serving pork to a Muslim pupil


A primary school dinner lady who served pork to a 7-year-old Muslim pupil was sacked because the incident was “not a one-off”, a headteacher has claimed.

Alison Waldock claimed giving Khadija Darr gammon at Queen Edith Primary School in Godwin Way had been an accident which happened after the youngster pointed to the dish on the lunch menu.

But last night the school’s headteacher claimed the incident was “not a one-off” and had been treated seriously “due to the significant number of children involved”.

In Khadija’s case, it is understood the error was spotted by headteacher Caroline Peet who swept the plate away from the youngster before she had a chance to eat it.

Following the incident, the girl’s parents were informed and they complained to the school’s catering firm, Lunchtime UK.

Ms Waldock, 51, was suspended while an investigation was carried out and she was dismissed a month later, following an appeal, for gross misconduct due to “negligence, carelessness or idleness”.

Mrs Peet told the News: “We understand from Lunchtime UK that this was not a one-off event and due to the significant number of children involved the company treated the issue with the seriousness it deserved.

“As her employer it was wholly up to Lunchtime UK to decide what appropriate action to take.

“The school reflects and celebrates the diverse cultures that make up the community it serves and respects the beliefs and values of our children and parents.”

Khadija’s parents Rumana, 33, and Zahid, 36, said the school told them Ms Waldock wasn’t concerned about the error.

Mrs Darr said: “The person there said the dinner lady didn’t care or wasn’t that bothered.”

But Ms Waldock, who lives in Cambridge, said this was untrue – claiming it was impossible to keep track of the 40 different pupils who had various dietary requirements.

The mum-of-two said: “I feel the school and catering company made me a scapegoat so they can’t be seen as politically incorrect. I was really upset when I found out what I’d done. I’d never have done something like this on purpose. It was a simple mistake – I was so gutted with the school’s reaction.”

Ms Waldock, who had been a dinner lady for 11 years, added: “It was a normal day. The children came in and were waiting in line. I said to the child ‘Do you want gammon?’ and she said yes so I gave it to her.

“It’s so hard to remember every child that has dietary requirements.”

The case has sparked debate around the country, with UKIP leader Nigel Farage among those wading in.

He said: “I feel desperately sorry for her. If she’d served gammon to a vegetarian would she have been fired? I think not.”

A spokesman for Lunchtime UK said: “Following an incident involving Alison Waldock at one of our schools a full investigation was carried out prior to suspending her on full pay. A standard disciplinary procedure ensued which resulted in Alison Waldock being dismissed for gross misconduct.”

The company continued: “Obviously we cannot provide all of the details surrounding the dismissal. However, as a general note, Lunchtime UK would not seek to dismiss any employee due to just one honest mistake.”

Read more:

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Pork and the Far-right: Ham Stirs Terrifying Signs of Islamifying Times

Google “Islam [COUNTRY] and pork]

islam pork england

Dinner lady sacked for accidentally serving pork to a Muslim › News › UK

Islamic extremists threaten to stab inmates who eat pork in…/Islamic-extremists-threaten-stab-inmat…

 More from the DM
Daily Mail
M&S faces boycott as it lets Muslim staff refuse to sell alcohol or pork


They would only do it once, then I would tell them to stick it and never shop there again !!!!!!

I would just leave all my shopping at the till and walk out. If they are not prepared to sell various products they have no right to be working there. THIS COMMENT RECEIVED 27408 LIKES


Wow! I have never seen so many replies to a DM news article. M&S take note! Just for example, if just 25,000 of the people who have liked this highest ranking post normally spend £100 per year in your shop and decide to boycott M&S, that means that your takings will be down by 2.5 million pounds next year. I expect most people spend more than that in a year so do your sums!

In second-place hate with 23971likes

Can the non-muslim staff refuse to serve halal food then?

And in third place the adorable:

Last time I checked this was not a muslim country. 21001Likes


And it should always stay as a non Muslim country. I work part time in Tesco’s and have to serve beef even though i’m a Hindu and beef is forbidden in my religion but I don’t complain about doing that. It’s time ethnic minorities stop demanding things and shoving their beliefs down peoples throats. You are guests in this country so behave like one.

A Muslim who liked the Hindu sided with the Passion of St. George crowd spat the same kind of vitriol at his religion but he got an anemic round of applause. He expressed the same sentiment which should have scored him around 18,000 rounds of applause from the DM crowd. But it didn’t …….Is the Daily Mail tapping into something?
Anne though presumably native Brit spoke up and got a rousing 16,300 votes.

Where is good old fashioned Britain? Bring it back

The sentiment is after all just political correctness.

The Muslim shop workers are are not consuming the products themselves, they are wrapped up so they are not touching them either…… and its not illegal to buy these items. Political correctness gone way too far.

Veiled threat from Clare in Glassgee.

it all comes down to reasonable adjustment but i’m not sure how reasonable it is when the shop is very busy and you have to join two queues to pay for your shopping. Without having to look at a crystal ball… i see trouble ahead and people maybe voting with their feet.


You have a huge trolley full of shopping and are halfway through at the checkout when the Christmas port and pork stuffing hits the belt. Everything stops as you are informed you will have to queue again in another line to buy these items. You look up and down the lines hoping to spot another checkout assistant who is not Muslim as time and patience are running out. This policy makes it unavoidable that people will start to make assumptions about the ethnicity of check out staff before selecting a till. Is this really desirable? Alternatively, M&S could label queues and the ethnicity of their staff clearly and that, I am afraid, is a terrifying thought. The road to hell and good intentions and all that…. What s crass mistake by M&S.





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The beginning of the end of the EU?

Yet if they pay no attention to anti-Western trends in Hungary, Turkey, Greece, and elsewhere in Europe and its periphery — a trend some fear might soon spread to Poland — they, and the United States, will find themselves isolated from a growing number of their allies in an increasingly hostile world.


What Viktor Orbán’s victory means for Hungary and the West

By Charles Gati, Published: April 7

Charles Gati, a senior fellow at Johns Hopkins’s Foreign Policy Institute, is the editor of “Zbig: The Strategy and Statecraft of Zbigniew Brzezinski.”

On Sunday, the Hungarian people reelected Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and his nationalist, right-wing political party Fidesz for another four-year term. Although it received only 44 percent of the popular vote, Fidesz has nonetheless secured 66 percent, or possibly 67 percent, of the seats in the Hungarian parliament. By contrast, the allied opposition of socialists, social democrats and liberals, with 26 percent of the vote, will take 19 percent of the seats, while the far-right Jobbik that gained 20 percent of the vote will get 10 percent of the seats. Such a disproportionate outcome is made possible by the mandate-enhancing, self-serving feature of the electoral law passed by Fidesz in 2011.

With one seat undecided, it is unclear if Orbán will now end up with a simple majority or will once again have a two-third supermajority lined up behind him in the new parliament. What is clear is that he has received almost 700,000 fewer votes – eight percent less — than he did in 2010 when he was swept into office. The erosion of his popular support notwithstanding, his hold on every aspect of Hungary’s political and economic life remains unchanged.

In the past four years, Orbán has turned this once-promising democracy into a personally managed, semi-authoritarian political order. He has initiated an “opening to the East” that entails good relations with such countries as Russia, China, and Azerbaijan. Orbán claims that Brussels and Washington conspire against his nation, though he keeps Hungary in NATO and the European Union. He doesn’t support Western sanctions against Russia.

Untrusted and unpopular as Orbán is in Western chancelleries, he is a much-admired, even revered, hero to many Hungarians, especially outside the country’s larger cities. One secret of his success is his nationalist rhetoric; he understands his countrymen’s need to overcome their perceived sense of victimization and humiliation at the hands of foreigners. Even though Hungary depends on the E.U. for infrastructure investments, he has campaigned vigorously against the E.U.’s “colonial” mentality.

The voters don’t seem to remember his past — or if they remember they don’t care. Though he’s now a right-wing conservative, he used to be the deputy head of the Liberal International. Once an anti-Communist and an anti-Russian, he has lately befriended Russia’s Vladi­mir Putin. A former advocate of European integration, Orbán has become a defender of the sanctity of sovereignty. He once favored the free market; in power, he has nationalized private pension funds and turned against Western banks. Once an atheist, he now upholds religion as the nation’s backbone. No European leader since Napoleon may have changed his spots more.

In his campaign for reelection, Orbán offered no new programs for the next four years. He refused to engage in a public debate, claiming that Attila Mesterházy, the allied opposition’s candidate, was unqualified to lead the country and therefore an unworthy opponent. Moreover, regulations he pushed through in recent years did not allow major commercial stations to air political ads unless they did so for free, an option they declined; however, some of the pro-Fidesz stations got around the regulations by airing programs called reports on government activities (and therefore “non-political”) rather than pro-Fidesz. Worse yet, ATV, a cable television station with limited reach, was actually fined last week for its live coverage of the opposition’s major campaign event in Budapest — authorities said the coverage was “unacceptable” political advertising.

No one knows, of course, what results a fair campaign would have produced. It is clear, however, that despite received wisdom in the West that voters care only about their living standards, the public’s pride in Orbán’s so-called “freedom fight” against Western conspiracies trumped economic backsliding and mismanagement.

It is, indeed, hard to find evidence in the economy for the government’s campaign slogan, “Hungary is performing better.” On the contrary, Hungary, once a leader among its peers, now lags behind the Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Poland. Only the export sector has grown in the past four years, due largely to artificially low wages the government has promoted. A new flat tax rate of 16 percent on personal income benefits individuals with above-average incomes. The value of the forint, the Hungarian currency, has dropped 15 percent in the past four years. According to the Economist, the Hungarian stock market index is the second worst-performing index this year in the world (after Russia’s); since 2010, it has lost more than 40 percent of its value.

It seems, then, that the majority of the voters on Sunday rejected the old Hungarian proverb that says you can’t sing the national anthem on an empty stomach. They paid little or no attention to the fact that about one-third of the population lives in poverty; that some 30 percent of children go to bed hungry at night; and that 500,000 Hungarians have left the country for temporary or permanent jobs abroad.

Almost as puzzling is popular support both for the European Union and for Orbán’s rants against the European Union. Support for the E.U. is understandable: There are signs everywhere of the use of its generous funding for infrastructure projects. By contrast, sentiment against the E.U. is largely rooted in the platform of Jobbik, the far-right political party that demands Hungary’s withdrawal from the European Union.

Not coincidentally, Jobbik also advocates harsh measures against “Roma criminals” and the expulsion to Israel of Hungary’s relatively large Jewish population. Also not coincidentally, Orbán plays on widespread fear of Jobbik’s far-right extremists by presenting himself as the only politically viable right-wing bulwark against them.

In the next four years, Orbán will try to consolidate his power by rooting out challenges and challengers to his authority. Having lost faith in the value of Western-style democracy, he’ll deprive the country’s Constitutional Court of its residual authority and he’ll stamp out what remains of the small Budapest-based free press. Although he has so far accepted NATO’s security umbrella and the E.U.’s financial benefits, he’ll continue to ignore Western advice and warnings about his policies.

Preoccupied with more pressing problems, Western governments will grudgingly tolerate him. They don’t seem to see the need to revive and, indeed, deepen the post-World War II integrationist momentum that has brought peace, prosperity and democratic values to Europe, including Central Europe. Yet if they pay no attention to anti-Western trends in Hungary, Turkey, Greece, and elsewhere in Europe and its periphery — a trend some fear might soon spread to Poland — they, and the United States, will find themselves isolated from a growing number of their allies in an increasingly hostile world.

Read more on this topic: The Post’s View: Viktor Orbán’s Hungarian power grab


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Depression and Democracy: A warning of the Jobbik from Paul Krugman

One of Hungary’s major parties, Jobbik, is a nightmare out of the 1930s: it’s anti-Roma (Gypsy), it’s anti-Semitic, and it even had a paramilitary arm. But the immediate threat comes from Fidesz, the governing center-right party.      


<nyt_headline version=”1.0″ type=” “>Depression and Democracy


<nyt_text> <nyt_correction_top>

It’s time to start calling the current situation what it is: a depression. True, it’s not a full replay of the Great Depression, but that’s cold comfort. Unemployment in both America and Europe remains disastrously high. Leaders and institutions are increasingly discredited. And democratic values are under siege.

Fred R. Conrad/The New York Times

Paul Krugman


Readers’ Comments

Readers shared their thoughts on this article.

On that last point, I am not being alarmist. On the political as on the economic front it’s important not to fall into the “not as bad as” trap. High unemployment isn’t O.K. just because it hasn’t hit 1933 levels; ominous political trends shouldn’t be dismissed just because there’s no Hitler in sight.

Let’s talk, in particular, about what’s happening in Europe — not because all is well with America, but because the gravity of European political developments isn’t widely understood.

First of all, the crisis of the euro is killing the European dream. The shared currency, which was supposed to bind nations together, has instead created an atmosphere of bitter acrimony.

Specifically, demands for ever-harsher austerity, with no offsetting effort to foster growth, have done double damage. They have failed as economic policy, worsening unemployment without restoring confidence; a Europe-wide recession now looks likely even if the immediate threat of financial crisis is contained. And they have created immense anger, with many Europeans furious at what is perceived, fairly or unfairly (or actually a bit of both), as a heavy-handed exercise of German power.

Nobody familiar with Europe’s history can look at this resurgence of hostility without feeling a shiver. Yet there may be worse things happening.

Right-wing populists are on the rise from Austria, where the Freedom Party (whose leader used to have neo-Nazi connections) runs neck-and-neck in the polls with established parties, to Finland, where the anti-immigrant True Finns party had a strong electoral showing last April. And these are rich countries whose economies have held up fairly well. Matters look even more ominous in the poorer nations of Central and Eastern Europe.

Last month the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development documented a sharp drop in public support for democracy in the “new E.U.” countries, the nations that joined the European Union after the fall of the Berlin Wall. Not surprisingly, the loss of faith in democracy has been greatest in the countries that suffered the deepest economic slumps.

And in at least one nation, Hungary, democratic institutions are being undermined as we speak.

One of Hungary’s major parties, Jobbik, is a nightmare out of the 1930s: it’s anti-Roma (Gypsy), it’s anti-Semitic, and it even had a paramilitary arm. But the immediate threat comes from Fidesz, the governing center-right party.

Fidesz won an overwhelming Parliamentary majority last year, at least partly for economic reasons; Hungary isn’t on the euro, but it suffered severely because of large-scale borrowing in foreign currencies and also, to be frank, thanks to mismanagement and corruption on the part of the then-governing left-liberal parties. Now Fidesz, which rammed through a new Constitution last spring on a party-line vote, seems bent on establishing a permanent hold on power.

The details are complex. Kim Lane Scheppele, who is the director of Princeton’s Law and Public Affairs program — and has been following the Hungarian situation closely — tells me that Fidesz is relying on overlapping measures to suppress opposition. A proposed election law creates gerrymandered districts designed to make it almost impossible for other parties to form a government; judicial independence has been compromised, and the courts packed with party loyalists; state-run media have been converted into party organs, and there’s a crackdown on independent media; and a proposed constitutional addendum would effectively criminalize the leading leftist party.

Taken together, all this amounts to the re-establishment of authoritarian rule, under a paper-thin veneer of democracy, in the heart of Europe. And it’s a sample of what may happen much more widely if this depression continues.

It’s not clear what can be done about Hungary’s authoritarian slide. The U.S. State Department, to its credit, has been very much on the case, but this is essentially a European matter. The European Union missed the chance to head off the power grab at the start — in part because the new Constitution was rammed through while Hungary held the Union’s rotating presidency. It will be much harder to reverse the slide now. Yet Europe’s leaders had better try, or risk losing everything they stand for.

And they also need to rethink their failing economic policies. If they don’t, there will be more backsliding on democracy — and the breakup of the euro may be the least of their worries.        


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Special Report: From Hungary, far-right party spreads ideology, tactics

WARSAW Wed Apr 9, 2014 7:35am EDT


Far-right protesters walk during the annual far-right march, which coincides with Poland's National Independence Day in Warsaw November 11, 2013. REUTERS-Kacper Pempel
Far-right protesters, with covered faces, shout slogans during their annual march, which coincides with Poland's National Independence Day in Warsaw in this November 11, 2013 file photo. REUTERS-Kacper Pempel-Files
Ruch Narodowy's leader Robert Winnicki poses for a picture at an office in Warsaw July 12, 2013. Picture taken July 12, 2013. REUTERS-Kacper Pempel

1 of 7. Far-right protesters walk during the annual far-right march, which coincides with Poland’s National Independence Day in Warsaw November 11, 2013.

Credit: Reuters/Kacper Pempel


WARSAW (Reuters) – In a rented public hall not far from Poland’s parliament, about 150 people gathered one afternoon late last year to hear speeches by a collection of far-right leaders from around Europe.

The event was organized by Ruch Narodowy, or National Movement, a Polish organization that opposes foreign influences, views homosexuality as an illness and believes Poland is threatened by a leftist revolution hatched in Brussels.

Chief attraction was Marton Gyongyosi, one of the leaders of Hungarian far-right party Jobbik.

In a 20-minute speech, Gyongyosi addressed the crowd, mostly men in their thirties and forties, as “our Polish brothers,” and railed against globalization, environmentalists, socialists, and what he called a cabal of Western economic interests.

Poles needed to resist the forces hurting ordinary people, he said, before urging “regional cooperation between our countries.”

It is a familiar rallying cry. Far-right groups have emerged or grown stronger across Europe in the wake of the financial crisis, and they are increasingly sharing ideas and tactics. Reuters has found ties between at least half a dozen of the groups in Europe’s ex-Communist east. At the network’s heart, officials from those groups say, sits Jobbik.

The party won 20.54 percent of the vote in Hungary’s parliamentary election on April 6, up from the 15.86 percent it won in 2010, cementing its status as by far the largest far-right group in Eastern Europe.

From its strong base at home, Jobbik has stepped up efforts to export its ideology and methods to the wider region, encouraging far-right parties to run in next month’s European parliamentary elections, and propagating a brand of nationalist ideology which is so hardline and so tinged with anti-Semitism, that some rightist groups in Western Europe have distanced themselves from the Hungarians.

The spread of Jobbik’s ideology has alarmed anti-racism campaigners, gay rights activists, and Jewish groups. They believe it could fuel a rise in racially-motivated, anti-Semitic or homophobic street attacks. Longer-term, they say, it could help the far-right gain more political power.

In a statement sent to Reuters, Jobbik said that it hoped the people of central and eastern Europe would unite in an “alliance that spreads from the Adriatic to the Baltic Sea,” to counter what it called Euro-Atlantic suppression.

Jobbik rejected any link between the growing strength of radical nationalists and violence. “Jobbik condemns violence, and its members cannot be linked to such acts either,” it said.


The day after Gyongyosi’s speech last November, Jobbik’s leader, Gabor Vona, addressed another rally in a Warsaw park.

“The path to final victory involves a million small steps,” he told the crowd, through a translator. “You should take up this challenge. Take part in the European elections.”

The crowd chanted: “Poland and Hungary are brothers!”

As they marched through the city earlier that day, some of the Polish participants fought pitched battles with police and set fire to a rainbow sculpture erected as a symbol of diversity.

Poland is not the only example of Jobbik’s regional outreach. Far-right groups in Poland, Slovakia, Croatia, and Bulgaria told Reuters they have ties with fellow parties in several countries in the region. Jobbik sat at the center of that web, the only one with contacts with all the parties.

Nick Griffin, leader of the British National Party (BNP), one of the few far right parties in Western Europe with close relations with Jobbik, said the Hungarian party is the driving force behind efforts to forge a far-right coalition.

Other groups say they admire the party because of its success in Hungary and its organizational muscle.

Jobbik appears to operate on a shoestring. It has an annual budget of $2.34 million, according to the Hungarian state audit office, most of it from a state allowance to parties in parliament. Jobbik denies giving financial aid to other groups, but it can afford its own staff, travel, and facilities – all factors that enhance its influence.

“Jobbik is a market leader of sorts,” Gyongyosi said. “There are shared values, and the way Jobbik grew big, why could the same thing not happen elsewhere?”


Broadly speaking those shared values include a strong opposition to Brussels, a dislike of immigrants, and a suspicion of Jews and of the Roma, an ethnic minority who number about 10 million in Eastern Europe and who have faced centuries of discrimination.

Hromoslav Skrabak, leader of 19-year-old Slovakian group Slovenska Pospolitost, has argued for racial segregation and “humanitarian” methods to reduce Roma fertility. Skrabak said his group cooperates with far-right groups in Belarus, Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and Serbia to jointly fight “against the dictate of Brussels,” and to spread the idea of pan-Slavism, a union of ethnic Slavs.

Frano Cirko, a member of the Croatian Pure Party of Rights, said cooperation between far-right groups helped take on “neo-liberal” capitalism, which he said threatened national values in Europe and made it too easy for foreign firms to buy Croatian companies.

Angel Dzhambazki, deputy leader of Bulgaria’s VMRO, a movement that has its roots in the late 19th century and was revived in 1990, said its “close cooperation” with Jobbik and a Croatian group had helped it grow. “We invite them to participate in our meetings, and at the same time we take part in events organized by them.”

VRMO is in the process of forming a coalition with a new populist party called Bulgaria Without Censorship. A poll by Bulgaria’s Institute of Modern Politics showed that, together, the parties would have 5.6 percent support for the European Parliament election, putting them third and giving them a chance of winning one of Bulgaria’s allocation of 17 seats. The elections for the European Parliament take place on May 22-25 in all 28 member states of the bloc.


Jobbik has had less success in Western Europe, where more established nationalist parties reject its anti-Semitic views. In 2012, Jobbik’s Gyongyosi told the Hungarian parliament that Jews were a threat to national security and should be registered on lists. He later apologized and said he had been misunderstood. But parties such as the Dutch Party of Freedom, which is staunchly pro-Israel, and France’s National Front, which has sought to move away from its anti-Semitic past, are both wary of the Hungarian group.

Jobbik’s principal ally in Western Europe is the British National Party. Griffin, its leader, said the BNP and Jobbik were working together on building a functioning bloc of nationalists within the European Parliament.

“I would say probably I do more of the work in eastern and southern Europe than they (Jobbik) do, whereas they tend to concentrate on the center and the east,” Griffin said in a telephone interview.

Opinion polls in Britain suggest the BNP will lose the two seats it currently holds in the European parliament.

One far-right party that polls predict will win seats in Brussels is Greece’s Golden Dawn, which says it wants to rid the country of the “stench” of immigrants. But Jobbik told Reuters Golden Dawn was “unfit” for the Hungarian party to cooperate with. Golden Dawn spokesman Ilias Kasidiaris said there was no official cooperation with Jobbik.

Cas Mudde, assistant professor at the School for Public and International Affairs at the University of Georgia in the United States, said that Jobbik is driven in part to look for allies “to show that it is not some kind of marginal phenomenon. There are two ways to do that: You can do it nationally, which is very hard, or you can do it internationally by saying: ‘Look, we have friends all over the place.'”


Last May, the World Jewish Congress (WJC) urged European governments to consider banning neo-Nazi parties that threatened democracy and minority rights. The WJC met in the Hungarian capital Budapest to underscore its concerns about Jobbik.

Rafal Pankowski from Never Again, a Polish anti-racist association that tracks cases of racially motivated violence, said he feared that Jobbik’s efforts to spread its tactics and ideology could lead to more violence against minorities.

“This is dangerous,” he said of Jobbik’s international influence. “If similar groups in other countries copy this model … then the situation might worsen.”

Robert Biedron, a gay member of the Polish parliament, said Polish far-right activists ran a website called Red Watch where they posted pictures and personal details of people they described as “queers and deviants,” as well as lists of left-wing activists and Jewish academics.

Biedron reported to police that he was beaten up in Warsaw at the end of February in what he believes was a homophobic attack.

Biedron said he did not expect Ruch Narodowy to win seats in this year’s European election, but the Polish party’s support was rising, and it had a chance in next year’s Polish parliamentary polls. If that happens, he said, it will use parliament to promote its rhetoric “based on hate for others.”

Jobbik’s network-building has been most successful in Poland in part because Poland and Hungary have no historical claims on each other’s territory, an issue that has often hindered cooperation between Jobbik and nationalists from other neighbors.


On a sandy riverbank in the shadow of a bridge over the river Vistula, members of the paramilitary arm of Ruch Narodowy rehearsed for their role as stewards before November’s rally in Warsaw.

Some looked like the stereotype of far-right skinheads. Others were middle-class professionals. One showed up in an Audi saloon, another in an expensive sports utility vehicle. The unit’s leader, Przemyslaw Czyzewski, said several members were lawyers.

A diagram of the organization’s structure showed it had a military-style hierarchy, and units called “choragiew”, a word which was used in the past to describe Polish cavalry formations.

Explaining why he decided to join the unit, one man said he wanted to defend Polish values under threat from foreign influences. “I finally had to do something,” said the man, in his thirties, who did not give his name.

The group denies it takes its inspiration from Hungary, but it has striking similarities with Jobbik’s paramilitary wing, called “Magyar Garda,” or Hungarian Guard. In 2008 a court ruled that Magyar Garda threatened the dignity of Roma and Jewish people. The group disbanded but was quickly replaced by a similar organization.

Robert Winnicki, the bookish, bespectacled 28-year-old leader of Ruch Narodowy, has described homosexuality as “a plague” and talked of creating a “new type of Pole” disciplined enough to take on the country’s enemies.

He told Reuters that the aim of his movement’s contacts with foreign peers was to “exchange experiences, learn from each other.”

Winnicki traveled to Hungary in March last year to address a rally of Jobbik activists.

“Inspired by your example, we are organizing a national movement today in Poland,” he told his Hungarian hosts, according to a published transcript.

“An army is quickly growing in Poland which soon, on its section of the front, will join the battle that you are conducting. And together we will march to victory.”


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Ban non-pork meals in schools

Leader of France’s far-Right party says schools should not pander to Jewish and Muslim children by offering non-Pork alternatives for lunch

Marine Le Pen, leader of the Front National, had £600,000 of expenses rejected, for costs such as a luxury hotel and an extravagant party with £20,000 of petit fours

Marine Le Pen, leader of the Front National Photo: AFP/Getty Images

School canteens will no longer offer non-pork meal options in towns where France’s anti-immigration far-right Front National (FN) party won local elections, its leader Marine Le Pen has said.

Mrs Le Pen reignited debate on a sensitive issue about the substitution meals targeting mainly Muslim and Jewish pupils for whom pork is taboo.

“We will accept no religious requirements in the school lunch menus,” Mrs Le Pen told RTL radio. “There is no reason for religion to enter into the public sphere.”

She defended the decision saying it was necessary to “save secularism”.

The FN, skilfully rebranded as more than just an anti-immigrant party, won control of 11 towns and more than 1,400 municipal seats nationwide in recent local elections, easily its best ever performance at the grassroots level of French government.

This has caused great unease among a section of the population.

Many Muslims view France, which is officially a secular republic despite being overwhelmingly Catholic, as imposing its values on them and other religious minorities.

France has one of the biggest Muslim populations in Europe.

The issue of halal meat is also a controversial topic in France and has been used as a political football.

Mrs Le Pen had launched a fierce row before the last presidential polls in 2012 by claiming that all meat distributed in the Paris region was halal, or slaughtered according to Islamic law, and that non-Muslim consumers were being misled.

There has been controversy in the past over whether schools and holiday camps should be required to provide halal food for Muslim children, as well as higher-profile disputes over the wearing of veils in France.

Any form of clothing linked to religious observance is banned from French state schools and since 2011 the wearing of full-face veils in public has been outlawed.

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